Death toll from new bird flu in China rises to 36 – WHO

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized


LONDON |
Fri May 17, 2013 4:25pm EDT

LONDON May 17 (Reuters) – Four more people in China have
died from a new strain of bird flu, bringing the death toll from
the H7N9 virus to 36 from 131 confirmed cases, the World Health
Organisation (WHO) said on Friday.

The United Nations health agency said the four deaths were
from cases that had already been identified in laboratories.
Since May 8, there have been no new cases of infection with
H7N9, it added.

The WHO reiterated that there is no evidence that the new
strain of bird flu, which was first detected in patients in
China in March, is passing easily from human to human – a
feature that, if it emerged, could spark a pandemic.

It cautioned, however, that until the source of infection
has been identified and controlled, there are likely to be
further cases of human infection with H7N9.

The WHO said Chinese health authorities were continuing with
enhanced surveillance, epidemiological investigations, close
contact tracing, clinical management, laboratory testing and
sharing of samples as well as prevention and control measures.

It added that in past week as the number of new cases has
dwindled, some provinces have begun to scale back emergency
operations.

(Reporting by Kate Kelland; Editing by Andrew Heavens)

© 2011 REUTERS (www.reuters.com)

Tibet profile

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized

Tibet, the remote and mainly-Buddhist territory known as the "roof of the world", is governed as an autonomous region of China.

China sent in thousands of troops to enforce its claim on the region in 1950. Some areas became the Tibetan Autonomous Region and others were incorporated into neighbouring Chinese provinces.

In 1959, after a failed anti-Chinese uprising, the 14th Dalai Lama fled Tibet and set up a government in exile in India. Most of Tibet's monasteries were destroyed in the 1960s and 1970s during China's Cultural Revolution. Thousands of Tibetans are believed to have been killed during periods of repression and martial law.

Under international pressure, China eased its grip on Tibet in the 1980s, introducing "Open Door" reforms and boosting investment.

Beijing says Tibet has developed considerably under its rule. But rights groups say China continues to violate human rights, accusing Beijing of political and religious repression. Beijing denies any abuses.

Tourism and the ongoing modernisation drive stand in contrast to Tibet's former isolation. But Beijing's critics say Tibetans have little say in building their future.

China says a new railway link between Lhasa and the western Chinese province of Qinghai will boost economic expansion. The link is likely to increase the influx of Chinese migrants.

Buddhism reached Tibet in the seventh century. The Dalai Lama, or Ocean of Wisdom, is the leading spiritual figure; the Panchen Lama is the second most important figure. Both are seen as the reincarnations of their predecessors.

The selection of a Dalai Lama and a Panchen Lama has traditionally followed a strict process. But the Dalai Lama and Beijing are at odds over the 11th incarnation of the Panchen Lama, having identified different youngsters for the role. The Dalai Lama's choice, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, has not been seen since his detention by the Chinese authorities in 1995.

There have been intermittent and indirect contacts between China and the Dalai Lama. The exiled spiritual leader advocates a non-violent, negotiated solution to the Tibet problem and accepts the notion of real autonomy for Tibet under Chinese sovereignty. China has questioned his claims that he does not seek independence.

China has also accused the Dalai Lama of inciting the dozens of self-immolations that since 2009 have taken place among Tibetans opposed to Chinese rule. He rejects this and has questioned the effectiveness of such protests.

Tibet's economy depends largely on agriculture. Forests and grasslands occupy large parts of the country. The territory is rich in minerals, but poor transport links have limited their exploitation. Tourism is an important revenue earner.

© 2011 BBC News (www.bbc.co.uk)

Arwa Damon: Freeze-frame moments

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized

The sickening cacophony of war — the crackle of gunfire, thud of artillery and bone-shaking tremors of air strikes — drifted into a background haze.

I stood there staring at the shoe. The image remains so vivid in my mind I could paint it on a canvas from memory.

Watch: Arwa Damon looks at the lingering effect of war on Iraqis

It was dusk on one of the first days of the November 2004 battle for Falluja. U.S. military commanders would later describe it as the most intense urban combat since Vietnam.

The shoe lay in a rubble-strewn yard amid the mustard yellow debris of a partially destroyed, single-story home in a poor part of the city.

My world froze right then.

I imagined her as being a little girl with curly, dark brown hair, about 5 years old. I could almost hear the shouts as she and other children ran around the yard playing joyfully.

There were other clues about the life of the family that once lived here. Torn photographs on the ground, a teddy bear in a drawer, clothing turned into clumps of matted shreds. A lone, delicate, hour-glass-shaped tea cup that somehow survived the American bombardment, peeking out from a heap of debris

Yet the inhabitants were gone, their stories untold, their lives a mystery.

Who was this little girl? Did she spend nights curled up in her parents’ bed fearing the ghosts of al Qaeda operatives in the street? Did she burst into uncontrollable tears as the U.S. military pounded her city? Or did the family flee well before this all happened?

Was she even alive?

About a year later, I found myself at the exact same spot. I was on another embed — one of dozens — with the U.S. military. The house had been rebuilt; children darted through the yard.

I decided to knock on the door and ask about the little girl. I had a brief conversation with one of the men who answered. Like just about any Iraqi at the time, he was clearly uncomfortable with a Western TV crew and an entire platoon of American soldiers at his front door.

Falluja was no longer an al Qaeda stronghold, but its operatives still lurked in the shadows. Most of the city had been reduced to rubble.

Opinion: Why women are less free 10 years after the invasion of Iraq

The man told me the previous residents were distant relatives and had gone elsewhere. Realizing how distressed he and the other adults were, I thanked them and left. My desperate curiosity was trumped by the knowledge that our lingering presence could put them in danger if they were spotted talking to Americans.

And so that girl remains unknown to us, the outside world, like countless other Iraqi civilians caught in the middle of the invasion, the insurgency and the brutal sectarian violence that followed.

There were plenty of hair-raising moments in Falluja. We saw soldiers struck down; the festering corpses of insurgents rotting in the sun; the few remaining residents flocking to a mosque for food; the brave little boy, a bone protruding from his arm, who barely cried as the American medics tended to him.

And yet for me, Falluja is defined by that shoe, by the little girl whose story I don’t know. One of many freeze-frame moments of human agony caused by war.

A month earlier, another battle zone was defined by another Iraqi I never met. The U.S. military had put word out to residents there to come and collect the bodies of the dead.

A woman clad in a black abaya, only her face visible, stumbled as she approached the hospital, arriving before the gates had even opened. It was as if each step was heavier than the last, as if her feet wanted to drag her away from what she knew she must see.

Then, she collapsed to her knees. Her black headdress fell off, her dark auburn hair tumbling out as she unleashed a scream filled with so much pain it felt like a claw gripping my throat.

It was the wail of a single word: “Why?”

A new brand of evil

I first arrived in Baghdad a few weeks before the U.S.-led invasion. A cloud of fear and secrecy gripped Iraq; residents spoke to me in double entendre or slipped scraps of paper scrawled with cryptic messages into my hand.

“What you hear is not true,” read one note, secretly given to me after my government minder said all Iraqis loved Saddam Hussein.

Another slip bore a message of hope. It said simply, “Yes Amreeka.”

But it’s never that simple in Iraq.

Certainly, many Iraqis wanted to be rid of Saddam. They so desperately wanted what America was promising — democracy and freedom. But their desire was tinged with a deep-seated fear and mistrust of the United States.

Few could have imagined back then just what America’s democracy project would do to their nation. How all that was familiar would be ripped away, how violence would tear communities apart, how society would have to adapt to another brand of evil more terrifying than the fear under Saddam — one they didn’t know how to navigate.

The elation coupled with shock that so many felt as Saddam’s statue came tumbling down — the hope that suddenly a world of opportunities would open — evaporated almost as quickly as the regime collapsed.

The toppling of the statue in a Baghdad square in April 2003 should have ushered in a vibrant Iraq as the Bush administration promised. Instead, it stands as the pivotal point of lost opportunity. The United States, with no post-war plan, was helpless to prevent the country from falling into chaos.

Devastating mistakes by the U.S. administration in Iraq — such as disbanding the Iraqi army and the de-Baathification campaign — alienated a sizeable chunk of the population and lay the groundwork for the Sunni insurgency. Shia militias emerged and thrived.

Hans Blix: Iraq War was a terrible mistake and violation of U.N. charter

Ten years on, the war has left more than 134,000 Iraqis and 4,800 Americans dead and cost hundreds of billions of dollars. It has left in its wake a nation whose government tends to look to the east — meaning Iran — a state the United States cannot rely upon as an ally.

Iraq has been through so much over the last 10 years: Everything that every resident knew to be normal was crushed, tearing down the very fabric, the very essence of society.

Baghdad was home for me, my permanent base, from 2003 to 2010, and since then I have taken or created every opportunity to return. It is something I have had to fight for at times, a battle fueled by — yes — my attachment to the country and its people. But also by a fundamental belief that we cannot abandon the story of Iraq, of how it plays into the region’s current dynamics and the changes sweeping the Middle East. Nor can we abandon the Iraqi people — a people still paying the price for a war in which they had no say, a war for them that has not yet ended.

It is their stories I want to share 10 years on because even today the effects of the war and the mistakes America made still linger — wearing on people to such a degree that many don’t recognize their country, don’t recognize their countrymen, don’t recognize themselves.

To survive the war, when the violence was at its worst, many residents carried two IDs — one Sunni, one Shia — to cross front lines. Trash collectors were executed in public because they worked for the government. Religious extremists forced hair salons to shut down, murdering anyone they deemed not “conservative” enough.

Mosques, churches, markets — everything — became a target.

The U.S. administration for years continued to insist there was “progress” in Iraq, until the violence became so rampant and widespread there was no denying it anymore.

And the outside world was quickly gripped with “Iraq fatigue.” It was the war everyone just wanted to forget. The war that worsened by the day for those who did not have that luxury, for whom there was no escape.

An innocence lost

Ahmed was just 12 when he saw his first street killing. Al Qaeda had taken over his Baghdad neighborhood, and every day at dusk, as the call to prayer would echo across the square, so too would the sound of executions.

At first, Ahmed was plagued with nightmares. But then the killings just became normal, part of the everyday routine.

“When they dragged [the victim] out of the car they would just shoot and leave,” Ahmed told me. “He would bleed until he died and the body would stay three to four days until the dogs ate it or the guards at night would take it away to the hospital.”

I met Ahmed for the first time on my trip back to Baghdad this year. In the square where he first saw executions, children now play soccer. But the neighborhood is still dangerous; for his safety we’re not using his real name.

I was taken aback by how soft-spoken, polite and yet clearly tormented he is. He and his friends were so young they didn’t know what death meant: “It was only later that I learned what death was, what al Qaeda was.”

They still talk about what they witnessed. Ahmed’s goal now at 18: to get out of Iraq, to save what is left of his soul and humanity.

That’s not what he — and millions of others — dreamt of when the war began, before all the atrocities.

Day after day we journalists tried to condense the intensity, complexity and tragedy that is Iraq into our stories. At one point, just the number of unidentified bodies in Baghdad averaged 3,000 a month. How many times we must have used the phrase, “Bodies bearing signs of torture were found.”

It became part of Iraq’s daily reporting routine, a phone call made at the end of the day to get that body count, which would then be added to a wire story or rattled off in a live shot.

Lost in the numbers were the details: people who’d been tortured, their skin scraped off, fingernails ripped out, sometimes decapitated. Also lost were those left behind: a child who won’t ever hug her father again; a mother who won’t see her son’s wedding day.

‘Out of the game

Nahla al-Nadawi is tall, slender, elegantly dressed, with a firm handshake. She worked at a local Baghdad radio station in the years after the invasion. Part of her job was to read the daily death toll.

Watch: Specter of death looms over Iraqi widow

“The numbers game, you always think that you are exempt from the numbers,” she said. “You’re pained by them, but you’re outside of them.”

That is, until her husband became one of the numbers.

“I feel like it’s a game of musical chairs — one time you are tapped, another time someone else is,” she said. “Now my son and I are out of the game, completely, completely …”

She pauses, reflecting, trying to navigate her own pain, trying to understand how life can be so cruel.

The image of her husband — tall and proud — a doctor who moved his family back to Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein because he believed his country needed him, a father who doted on their 6-year-old autistic son — was forever changed in April 2007.

Etched into her memory is the vision of his charred body, melted together with nine others after a car bomb exploded, leaving a twisted pile of scorched flesh.

“Truly life was in color, and now it’s in black and white.”

Her voice is soft and even. The words she chooses thoughtful, emotive, graceful — even while speaking of what she saw of her husband and the others in the morgue that day.

“I remember a blue-colored sheet covering something. At one end the pigtails of a little girl with red ribbons, at the other a tiny foot. The sheet was drenched in blood. At that moment I forgot why I was standing there. I was crying for all those other people.”

I saw her a year ago. She looked almost radiant, as if the cloak of death had lifted. In some ways it had been — or perhaps it was that she had learned to live with the pain.

“I have the courage to say that I was happy when the Americans arrived, but then I have hundreds of questions,” she said. “Why did the Americans make so many mistakes? Was it out of ignorance about Iraq, or was it deliberate?”

But on this trip, when we called her, she said she didn’t want to speak on camera. She said she didn’t want to appear weak and defeated — the story of so many Iraqis, just surviving day to day, as if they’ve been anesthetized.

Courage amid the carnage

Mohammed Rejeb cradled his grandson in his arms, filing out of his home with the rest of his family. Marines entered guns drawn, going from room to room in search of terrorists.

It was November 2005 in the small dusty town of Husayba, tucked against the Syrian border in al-Anbar province, a vast sprawling land along the Euphrates River valley and part of al Qaeda’s kingdom.

U.S. troops conducted these searches in cities, villages and towns across Iraq. It was an unconventional battleground, but typical of the war in Iraq. Entire streets and homes were booby-trapped. Washing-machine timers were hooked up to artillery shells in yards. Gunmen lurked in alleys, hiding behind doors. They were effectively on suicide missions, wanting to kill as many Americans before being gunned down.

Civilians never wanted to talk about al Qaeda. Doing so would bring a death sentence.

But I’ll never forget what Mohammed told me while while waiting for U.S. forces to search his home that day in 2005: “We want the Americans to save us from the terrorists.”

It floored me. I stared at the baby in his arms and was stunned by his courage. He could be killed for those simple words. Al Qaeda was known to slaughter anyone who dared speak against them.

A few hours later, I was crouched on a rooftop as rocket-propelled grenades fired by insurgents flew overhead and a U.S. soldier called in targets for air strikes. The heavy American bombardment reduced buildings to dust, explosions so powerful they would catapult an entire roof toward the sky as if it were cardboard.

Two days later, I saw Mohammed again, standing atop the rubble of one of the homes I might have seen bombed. He was among those digging through the wreckage, looking for one last body, that of a little boy, in what was once his cousin’s house.

The remains of 16 people had already been pulled out. All but one were women and children. They were later buried in a garden nearby; a curfew prevented people from taking the bodies to the graveyard.

They were Mohammed’s relatives; his cousin’s family.

As I arrived on the scene, mourners were in the process of moving the shrouded bodies. People pulled back the white burial cloths to prove to us these were innocent civilians.

In one shroud, a boy and girl lay curled up against each other.

The mourners, Mohammed among them, then pulled the last body out of the crushed home, that of 11-year-old Abdullah — the son of Mohammed’s cousin. Abdullah’s body was covered in a thin layer of gray dust.

“Look at him, look at him, you would swear he was sleeping,” Mohammed said.

The two of us didn’t speak beyond that moment, one of those tragedies reporters often come across in war — bearing witness to others’ sorrow and pain.

Last month, I returned to Husayba to find Mohammed.

The Euphrates River glittered in the sunlight on the ride there, past villages and towns once dominated by al Qaeda terrorists.

I hardly recognized Husayba. The market was vibrant, alive, packed with people.

A CNN stringer had already tracked down Mohammed, and he was happy to speak with us, to see me again.

I was both eager and apprehensive: What do you say to a man you watched in the rawest moment of profound grief?

I had thought of him often over the years — even felt connected to him in a strange way. At the same time, I felt as if I had no right to that connection. I was an observer to tragedy, while this was his life; these were his relatives killed before his eyes.

My fears eased as soon as I saw him again. He flashed the biggest smile and gave me the warmest handshake. I smiled back, told him he looked the same and that I had often wondered about him and his family.

Then he pointed to a young man behind him. “Look, that’s my son, who had the baby I was carrying.”

Then he continued in a matter-of-fact manner: “He was shot in the stomach by the Americans.”

That happened after the fight for Husayba, he told me. His son was driving his truck around a corner when suddenly he came across a U.S. foot patrol that opened fire.

Mohammed then asked how I was doing; he’d heard a rumor I had been kidnapped.

I laughed and reassured him I was fine. His concern for a near-stranger and his hospitality were utterly humbling.

The two of us then walked toward his house, a bizarre neighborhood tour with morbid commentary as he pointed out buildings and streets: “That’s the road you came down. … Al Qaeda took over that house! … Look, that’s where a foreign fighter was killed.”

Prior to the U.S. operation, he had tried to confront al Qaeda fighters stationed on his street, imploring them to move for the sake of the children in the area. They told him to shut his mouth or else.

As we walked into his home, he asked if I remembered the moment we met — when his family huddled in their small veranda while troops went from room to room.

Then he proudly introduced his grandson, the baby he was holding that day, now almost 8.

I asked him what I had been wondering for so long: Why did he speak up about the presence of al Qaeda and ask the Americans to save them?

“We had nothing left to lose,” he said. “We wanted security. But we never imagined that we would pay this price, that the Americans wouldn’t differentiate between friend or foe — it was all the same to them.”

He remembered the stench of death that day he dug through the rubble, the sickeningly sweet smell of decomposing bodies. But he couldn’t articulate his emotions, how he felt when he realized his relatives were among the dead.

At the nearby graveyard, some of the original rocks used to identify the graves still remain, with crudely hand-etched names engraved at the time.

Row after row, the rocks bear the same date: 7-11-2005.

Staring at those stones, I remembered what Mohammed had told me earlier while we talked over tea.

“I wish the Americans had never come. They ruined our country. They planted divisions,” he said. “They made us cry for the days of Saddam Hussein.”

No longer home

Ten years on, one can easily look around Baghdad and see a veneer of normalcy. But nothing about Iraq or what it has been through is normal. The cloak of sorrow that hangs over the capital is more suffocating than ever, even if violence is slightly down.

“We’re not living,” one Iraqi colleague told me. “We’re just surviving.”

It’s as if the violence created a façade. People were so focused on staying alive they didn’t fully notice the corruption, suspicion and tribalism that had seeped into society and government. Now that attacks are down — and fewer Iraqis are killed every day — all that and more has risen to the surface.

Basma al-Khateeb and her two daughters, 22-year-old Sama and 14-year-old Zeina, are among the remnants of Baghdad’s elite — a family that could have left but chose to stay. Basma is an IT professional and well-known activist.

We’ve known Basma and her family for years — she is a regular guest on CNN — and have always marveled at their courage and determination, a love for country that trumped their desire to escape.

Watch: Teens see no hope for future

But even Basma is uttering what for her was unimaginable. “I lost hope six to seven months ago,” she said. “You don’t feel it’s home any more.”

She paused, crushed by the weight of her own words. “Did I really say that?”

“Now the fear is different,” she explained. “You don’t know who is in the next car. They look at you as if you are different, your clothes, or even your gestures, your body language is different. We’re not comfortable being around the streets.”

“I think the people changed,” her daughter Sama added. “I think the ones who are good left, and only the bad people stayed here.”

It’s such an emotional, mentally complex notion that the family struggles to clearly define it — to be an alien in your own country.

“It’s a different culture, it’s a tribal culture. Before, there was no kind of culture that was dominant.”

Now there is. The streets feel hostile, and people continue to be wary of each other.

For the young, there is no room to mentally expand. For a professional like Sama, it’s either adopt the “principles” of corruption or find yourself unemployed.

“I had hope in the beginning and then I lost it,” she says. “It was like climbing the stairs and then there’s no end to it. You have to go down the stairs again. And that is depressing and very disappointing.

“This is no place for us. Because if I stay here, I have to be corrupt also, to live, to survive.”

In another time and place, Sama might have pursued her passion for the arts. She plays the piano beautifully. It’s a dream she plans to pursue far from her homeland.

As for Zeina, who has known nothing but war, she too wants to leave. Her first memory is of violence. Her defining moment of the last 10 years was a church bombing in 2010 in which her best friend was killed.

For their mother, this is the only home she has known. “I don’t want to have another home.”

But Basma wants something better for her daughters.

“In a certain time, at a certain point, it’s best for them to leave,” she says. “For study or work … for them to find out about themselves (and) be strong. They will not be strong here.”

Tragically, so many Iraqis I know echo those same sentiments. For the vast majority of them, the defining moments of the last 10 years are not of Saddam Hussein’s trial and execution, the drafting of the constitution or dipping their fingers in purple ink in the first elections.

It is the moment they last saw their loved one, gave them that last hug or kiss goodbye — not knowing it would turn out to be such a precious moment — before they were inexplicably, harshly torn away.

Voices of the war in Iraq

CNN’s Mohammed Tawfeeq and Wayne Drash contributed to this report.

Many Graduates Delay Job Searches

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized

The unemployment rate for new college graduates has climbed since before the recession, prompting some recent grads to delay looking for a job.

The worst recession in decades—and its subsequent, halting recovery—has particularly punished individuals short on work experience or skills. Since May 2007, the percentage of the population under age 25 who are currently employed has dropped more than seven percentage points to 45.1%, according to the Labor Dept.

The shift is part of a larger transformation in the American work force, where the country’s aging population is leading to a growing number of older workers in jobs or looking for work. With the pace of job openings not keeping up with population growth, that means fewer open positions for younger workers. Indeed, the percentage of the population age 55 and older who are employed has increased more than five percentage points in the last decade, to 37.5%.

To be sure, part of the shift is due to more young workers deciding to stay longer in school, moving on to graduate studies rather than entering the work force.

The jobs picture for recent college graduates, while lackluster over the long term, has shown glimmers of hope recently. Employers plan to hire 19% more new graduates this year than in 2010, according to a survey by the National Association of Colleges and Employers. Employers say there’s especiallyhigh demand for graduates with expertise in technology and engineering fields.

But even among college graduates under 25, a growing number are—at least temporarily—opting out of the work force entirely. Among that group, the labor force participation rate, which measures the proportion working or seeking employment fell by three percentage points over the past four years.

That drop in the percentage of young graduates in the labor force actually began near the start of the 2001 recession. Career counselors at colleges say that in the past two years they have seen increasing numbers of graduates opting to travel, volunteer, or get unpaid work experience rather than head straight into a tenuous job market. It isn’t clear, some counselors say, just how long many such students expect this interval between school and a job search to last.

In May, about 6.9% of college graduates aged 16 to 24 were unemployed, according to the Labor Dept., compared with 4% in May 2007.

“There’s a lot of moving in with parents, waiting it out, and thinking about grad school,” says Harvard economist Lawrence Katz. “It’s become more extreme given how this recession has been.”

Anabelle Harari, who majored in international relations at Mount Holyoke and graduated in May, says she applied for five or six jobs between January and March, but hasn’t submitted any applications since. For now, she is living with her mother in Margate, N.J., and making travel plans to see Nepal or Israel.

“I think it’s hard for my mom to accept that I’m not even trying to find a job,” says Ms. Harari, who notes that her mother is otherwise supportive. She intends to travel, take up seasonal jobs, and possibly volunteer for the next two years before looking for a full-time job or applying to grad school.

One of her Mount Holyoke classmates, Adrian Avedisian, 22, is living with her mother in Ft. Lauderdale, Fla.

“Everyone is talking about how difficult it’s going to be to get a job. If that’s how the competition is, I feel like there’s no use wasting my time,” she says. Eventually, Ms. Avedisian, who majored in Arabic Language and Culture, wants to find a job working for a start-up in the Middle East and hopes to finalize her plans in July. She has informally reached out to some contacts at start-ups, but hasn’t applied to a job since the beginning of May.

Being disconnected from the job market can have long-term implications on young workers’ earnings and psychological well-being, says David Blanchflower, an economist at Dartmouth College.

Last year Mr. Blanchflower conducted a study that found 16- to 25-year-olds who don’t have jobs or aren’t in school are more likely to be anxious, depressed and suicidal than their counterparts who are students or working.

“In recessions,” Mr. Blanchflower said, “everyone moves down the occupational ladder, and young people get pushed out at the bottom.”

© 2011 Wall Street Journal (www.wsj.com)

Nintendo to profit from user videos

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized

Nintendo will profit from videos uploaded by fans that feature its games, the company has confirmed.

A content ID match allows rights holders to place advertising within videos in order to profit from views.

Importantly, a content ID match means the uploader of the clip – in this case Zack Scott – cannot themselves make money from the advertising.

"I think filing claims against LP-ers is backwards," Mr Scott said in a message posted to Facebook.

"Video games aren't like movies or TV. Each play-through is a unique audiovisual experience."

He argued that viewing footage of games can tempt people to buy it.

"Until their claims are straightened out, I won't be playing their games," he continued.

"I won't because it jeopardises my channel's copyright standing and the livelihood of all LP-ers."

Nintendo defended the move, adding that only clips showing games footage of a certain length would be affected.

"Adverts will now appear at the beginning, next to or at the end of the clips," the company said.

© 2011 BBC News (www.bbc.co.uk)

U.S. Air Force 611th Air Support Group Closes Banned Motor Vehicle Waste Wells at Three Alaska Sites

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized
Published by: United States Environmental Protection Agence (EPA) (yosemite.epa.gov)

Colombian president hints he will run for re-election in 2014

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized


BOGOTA |
Fri May 17, 2013 12:31pm EDT

BOGOTA (Reuters) – Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos hinted on Friday that he would seek re-election next year to ensure continuity of his policies – including peace talks with Marxist FARC rebels – though he did not explicitly announce his candidacy.

“I want clearly and firmly to see that the government’s policies continue after August 7, 2014,” Santos said, referring to the date a new administration would take office.

“I want the peace policy re-elected, I want the housing policy re-elected, those that have reduced poverty – re-elected,” he told reporters in Bogota.

Santos took the greatest risk of his political career last year by launching peace negotiations with the nation’s biggest rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, in the hope of ending five decades of war.

Talks have dragged on for almost seven months without reaching accord on the first of a five-point agenda, putting in doubt Santos’ goal that the two sides will reach agreement this year.

Santos, 61, told reporters in Bogota that he would make a formal announcement on his re-election plans in a “written, solemn” way by the November deadline.

“I don’t want the positive and deep changes that we are realizing to be left halfway down the road, or worse, to be reversed,” said Santos, a former newspaper editor and scion of one of the nation’s richest families.

“But I want to be respectful of the rules of play and so won’t take a formal decision about my future until the required date.”

Santos’s presidential bid – and success – may hinge on the outcome of the FARC talks. An end to the conflict would seal his place in history as well as likely ensure his re-election. While failure to close the deal by the November deadline could sway him away from another term.

The government’s battle against the FARC, Latin America’s biggest and longest-running guerrilla insurgency, has killed more than 100,000 people, made vast swathes of land too dangerous to farm and forced millions from their homes.

It also has diverted billions of dollars from the economy as legitimate industry is unable to function at full capacity and the government is forced to spend heavily on troops and weapons.

All past attempts to negotiate peace with the FARC have failed and resulted in a stronger and more energized rebel army.

In a move popular with millions of Colombia’s poor, Santos has sought to provide cheap housing to the most needy, offering 100,000 free homes and mortgages at rock bottom interest rates.

His housing minister, German Vargas Lleras, who led the free housing program, has resigned from the Cabinet, Santos also said on Friday, and will run a foundation that helped steer the president’s election win in 2010.

Vargas Lleras could be a “Plan B” for Santos if he decides not to run for re-election, Senator Armando Benedetti wrote in his Twitter account. Vargas Lleras, who ran against Santos in 2010, is now considered a Santos ally, and his probable heir.

No replacement for Vargas Lleras was announced.

(Reporting by Helen Murphy; Editing by Eric Beech)

© 2011 REUTERS (www.reuters.com)

UPDATE 2-After tough week, Obama tries to change the subject to jobs

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized


Fri May 17, 2013 3:51pm EDT

* Strategist Lehane: trip gets Obama “out of the bunker”

* Obama wants to cut red tape for big construction projects

* Trip could draw attention to Keystone XL pipeline delay

By Roberta Rampton and Mark Felsenthal

BALTIMORE, May 17 (Reuters) – President Barack Obama on
Friday sought to turn the spotlight from controversies
threatening to swamp his agenda back to his top priority – the
economy – and announced he will try to cut in half the time it
takes to get federal approval for large job-creating projects.

Obama traveled to Baltimore, a short helicopter ride from
the White House, to talk about steps he is taking to streamline
permits for infrastructure, early childhood education, and
positive signs in the economy.

He did not mention the trio of storms that have beset his
administration in the past week and that some believe could
overrun his second-term agenda.

Speaking in front of heavy equipment at Ellicott Dredges, a
company that helped dredge the Panama Canal over 100 years ago,
Obama took a swipe at the distractions of Washington politics.

“I know it can seem frustrating sometimes when it seems like
Washington’s priorities aren’t the same as your priorities,”
Obama said in his upbeat speech.

“Others may get distracted by chasing every fleeting issue
that passes by. But the middle class will always be my
number-one focus, period,” he said.

Obama’s Baltimore trip is a good idea and a productive
change of scene for him, said Chris Lehane, a Democratic
strategist who specialized in damage control for the Clinton
White House.

“It gets you out of the bunker,” Lehane said.

Meanwhile, Washington was fixated on Friday on a
Republican-led House of Representatives hearing where the
now-fired head of the Internal Revenue Service was grilled about
how agents targeted conservative groups for special scrutiny.

The IRS scandal was one of three that forced Obama on the
defensive in the past week.

The White House was also doing damage control on what it
said in the wake of last year’s attack in Benghazi, Libya, that
killed four Americans, and the Justice Department’s seizure of
phone logs of journalists at the Associated Press as it looked
for leaks of classified information.

In his speech, Obama recalled advice he received as a young
senator from longtime former Maryland Senator Paul Sarbanes.

“I asked him, ‘What’s your advice?’ He says, ‘Just keep in
mind the people who sent you.’ Because here in Washington,
sometimes people get distracted,” Obama said.

CONTROVERSY NOT FAR AWAY

Obama was warmly received in Baltimore, first visiting an
elementary school where he saw 4- and 5-year-olds learning how
to spell and describe their favorite zoo animals in a
pre-kindergarten class – the type of program he has said should
be available to all American children so they get a good start.

Later, he talked about how to get through the rocky times in
life at a roundtable with a group of people at the Center for
Urban Families, a non-profit that helps people find jobs and
training.

He walked through the century-old factory floor of Ellicott
Dredges, where men in steel-toed boots were working on a giant
corkscrew excavation tool destined for a Bangladesh shipyard.

But even on this friendly tour, political controversy was
near at hand.

His tour guide was Peter Bowe, the company’s chief
executive, who on Thursday told a House of Representatives
hearing that his company has been hurt by the protracted federal
approval process for the Keystone XL crude oil pipeline from
the oil sands fields in Canada.

“For us, it’s all about jobs,” Bowe said on Thursday, urging
speedy approval of TransCanada’s pipeline. The company
first applied for project approval in 2008.

Obama delayed the project last year, saying it needed
further review. A decision is unlikely until late this year or
even early 2014.

The pipeline has been championed by Republicans, who blame
Obama for the delay, and pilloried by environmental groups who
argue Obama’s credibility on his vow to address climate change
hinges on rejecting the project.

Obama did not mention pipelines in his speech about delays
for infrastructure projects.

But he said he had drawn inspiration from someone he met at
the plant – Myrna LaBarre, who had worked for the company for 50
years and who described her secret for success.

“She said, ‘Be honest, be helpful, accept your mistakes and
improve upon them, be good to people, keep a good sense of
humor, have the best work ethic possible, and handle the good
times and get over the bad,’” Obama said.

“If we keep that in mind, if we just all keep Myrna’s
advice in mind, keep plugging away, keep fighting, we’ll build
an even better America than we’ve got right now,” he said.

© 2011 REUTERS (www.reuters.com)

Siderúrgicas dos EUA reagem à queda no preço do aço

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized

Os preços do aço despencaram neste mês, deflagrando uma corrida entre as siderúrgicas dos Estados Unidos para manter preços e participação de mercado diante do excesso de oferta no país.

Bobinas de aço na fábrica da Severstal em Dearborn, Michigan.

O rápido declínio dos preços, numa época do ano em que eles costumam aumentar, levou vários produtores de aço a enviar cartas aos clientes na semana passada informando que não iriam mais oferecer descontos sobre os preços de referência publicados pelas firmas de dados. Essa iniciativa pode, porém, ser dificultada por outros produtores que continuem a oferecer descontos e promoções, inclusive frete gratuito.

A batalha entre as siderúrgicas está sendo bem vista pelos clientes. Brad Clark, diretor de negociações de aço da Katanam Metals LLC, uma firma americana que comprou e vendeu 150.000 toneladas de aço no ano passado, disse que a alemã ThyssenKrupp AG

vem oferecendo regularmente preços 3% menores que o de outras companhias pelo aço produzido na fábrica dela no Estado americano do Alabama.

A siderúrgica alemã, que está tentando vender a planta, está sob pressão para continuar produzindo e assim gerar receita e cobrir custos até que encontre um comprador.

Para atrair novos clientes em Ohio, Illinois e outros Estados do chamado Centro-Oeste americano que geralmente não querem pagar o transporte desde o Alabama, a ThyssenKrupp vem melhorando suas ofertas com um “equalizador do frete”, o que significa que ela arca com o custo do transporte.

“Eles vêm tentando ganhar participação de mercado”, disse Clark. A ThyssenKrupp, que produz um tipo de alta qualidade de bobina laminada a quente — as chapas usadas na fabricação de carros, caminhões e produtos de consumo como refrigeradores — não quis comentar.

Num esforço para conservar sua fatia de mercado numa economia fraca, as siderúrgicas têm, desde a crise financeira, oferecido cada vez mais descontos de 5% a 8% nos contratos atrelados aos preços de tabela.

“Todo mundo está baixando preços porque há muito aço no mercado”, diz Charles Bradford, analista da Bradford Research Inc. As siderúrgicas também estão oferecendo reembolsos e abrindo mão de algumas tarifas extras nos produtos de maior qualidade, segundo compradores e negociadores da commodity.

Nas últimas semanas, entretanto, as coisas chegaram a tal ponto — com algumas ofertas caindo a até US$ 570 a tonelada para o tipo padrão de bobinas laminadas a quente, comparado com US$ 640 a tonelada no começo do ano — que pelo menos três grandes produtores anunciaram que estão suspendendo esses programas de descontos.

“Não vamos mais fazer nenhum negócio com desconto [sobre o preço de tabela]“, escreveu a equipe de vendas da ArcelorMittal

numa carta aos clientes a que o The Wall Street Journal teve acesso. Muitas outras siderúrgicas estavam oferecendo descontos, dizia a carta, “criando um preço teto anormal” e “minando nossa capacidade de cobrar um preço justo pelo valor dos nossos produtos”.

A Arcelor Mittal afirmou que iria cobrar preços fixos durante o resto do ano em contratos “mensais, trimestrais e semestrais”. A empresa não quis comentar.

Contratos de aço são confidenciais, mas firmas como Platts e Steel Market Update Inc. publicam tabelas — com as médias dos preços pagos nos contratos à vista — baseadas em pesquisas anônimas. Dois anos atrás, quando os preços voltavam a subir na esteira da recuperação da indústria automobilística nos EUA, as siderúrgicas começaram a atrelar os preços a essas tabelas para aproveitar a melhora da economia.

Agora, com os preços de tabela caindo, esse incentivo desapareceu. Assim como a ArcelorMittal, a russa Severstal

NA, cuja subsidiária americana tem uma grande siderúrgica no Estado de Michigan, também afirmou que iria parar de dar descontos ou usar preços de tabela porque eles “nem sempre refletem as condições de mercado”, segundo uma carta enviada a clientes que anunciava um aumento nos preços base de US$ 40 a US$ 50 por tonelada.

Já a Nucor Corp.,

da Carolina do Norte, avisou aos clientes que os descontos não estavam proporcionando “um retorno equitativo” e que eles não seriam mais oferecidos. Porta-vozes da Nucor e da Severstal não quiseram comentar sobre preço.

Os negociadores dizem que estão observando atentamente a ThyssenKrupp. A ThyssenKrupp construiu sua planta no Alabama por US$ 5 bilhões em 2010 juntamente com outra fábrica no Brasil. A Cia. Siderúrgica Nacional

e uma sociedade da ArcelorMittal com a japonesa Nippon-Sumitomo Corp.

já fizeram ofertas de compra.

Negociadores de aço, temendo a desvalorização dos seus estoques do produto, estão torcendo para que a oferta da Arcelor Mittal saia vencedora. A ArcelorMittal já tem várias siderúrgicas nos EUA e os negociadores “acreditam que ela eliminaria o excesso de capacidade, enquanto uma vitória da CSN traria um novo participante ao mercado e não eliminaria o excesso de capacidade”, disse John Packard, um consultor que também publica a tabela da Steel Market Update.

(Colaborou James R. Hagerty.)

© 2011 Wall Street Journal (www.wsj.com)

Remsen Street Townhouse Uses New Stoop to Conquer

Author: VanGogh  //  Category: Uncategorized

For homeowners Stephen Olsen and Cristina Delgado, the history of 42 Remsen St. in Brooklyn Heights has been like a picture puzzle that they have tried to piece together over time.

They first purchased the garden unit of the co-op building in 1984 and have since made three more purchases in the building and one sale, according to the couple and public records. They reside in a duplex in the building and have agreed, along with two other owners, to sell the building. It is listed for $10 million with Yolanda Johnson Vogelzang and Jeannette Floto of Corcoran Group.

Daniella Zalcman for The Wall Street Journal

The living and dining areas with French doors at rear 42 Remsen St. in Brooklyn Heights.

In researching the home’s history, the couple discovered that the stoop of the brick townhouse had been removed in the 1920s when the then-owners connected 42 Remsen with the building next door, the family home of one of those owners. The result was a mansion estimated to be 20,000 square feet. In the 1950s, 42 Remsen was converted into a rental and then a co-op in the 1980s separate from the building next door.

Mr. Olsen and Ms. Delgado learned about the stoop removal and other details about the home after meeting with the daughter of the couple who joined the two buildings. Mr. Olsen’s research was supported by the Brooklyn Heights Association, which included the home in a 2009 historical tour.

“I like history and architecture,” says Mr. Olsen. “You just piece it together over time.”

The couple replaced the stoop in 2005. “It pulled the whole building together in a way you lose without the stoop,” says Mr. Olsen.

Family Histories Meet in Brooklyn Heights Home

Daniella Zalcman for The Wall Street Journal

The townhouse at 42 Remsen St. in Brooklyn Heights.

They also have restored other original details in the home, such as the wood paneling around the fireplaces and the wooden beams in the ceiling. Their restoration of the stoop won them an award from the Brooklyn Heights Association, and also allowed them to put an internal staircase into their duplex and create a private entrance.

After two fires broke out in one of the tenant’s apartment six years ago, the couple took the lead on an 18-month renovation of the building that they estimate cost about $1 million.

Part of the renovation involved removing some walls and adding windows to open up space and increase the amount of sunlight in their duplex.

Mr. Olsen, 55 years old, is in real-estate finance and Ms. Delgado, 53, is a contemporary art adviser. Together with their son, they have each made their mark on the home—from the parlor floor, designed to highlight the couple’s contemporary art collection, to Mr. Olsen’s work in the garden, which incorporates tree plantings suggested by their son.

The building is located a block from the water and a short walk from Brooklyn Bridge Park. It is also close to Grace Church, and Mr. Olsen says he will often listen to music from a service while sitting in the garden.

The house, covering 5,348 square feet, excluding the garden and a terrace on the third floor, is currently divided into the duplex, with two one-bedroom apartments above and a top-floor studio. But the building could “easily be converted into a single-family home,” according to Ms. Delgado.

Ms. Delgado says that she and Mr. Olsen have been “emotionally invested in the building, and seeing it restored to its original intent. There’s been a lot of love put into this.”

Write to Jackie Bischof at jackie.bischof@wsj.com

© 2011 Wall Street Journal (www.wsj.com)